Commentary on the economy, the markets, and business

The private equity guys offer some seriously lame arguments for keeping their tax break

With the first of several congressional hearings to come on private equity taxation happening today in 215 Dirksen Senate Office Building (hurry! hurry! you can still get there for some of the exciting action!), the WaPo (yesterday) and the NYT (today) both have articles on the vigorous lobbying campaign being waged by the private equity guys to keep their taxes low. The takeaway from both is that they really haven't come up with any good arguments (other than money, which is always a good argument, I guess). In the Post, Virginia Republican Eric Cantor, who for some reason has emerged as a leader of the protect-private-equity-paychecks movement, had this to say:

This is a tax increase not only on those working on Wall Street, but also on all blue-jean-wearing Americans because of its effect on their retirement funds.

Well, not really. The vast majority of Americans, and by extension the majority of blue-jean-wearing Americans, aren't covered by pension funds, which means that none of their retirement money is invested in private equity. Most also don't send their kids to the colleges with big endowments that have benefited from putting money into private equity. And even for those who do get pensions, private equity is only a tiny piece of the investment pie. The California Public Employees Retirement System, the biggest American pension fund and among the first to put big money into private equity, has just 6.1% of its assets in the sector. Even if raising taxes on private equity general partners does depress returns for limited partners like CalPERS--a really big if--the effect on overall CalPERS investment returns would be pretty tiny. Now you could also make the argument that higher taxes on private equity would have some broader negative economic impact, and I'll get to that in a moment, but I don't think that's what Cantor was saying.

In the Times today, the telling anecdote had to do with KKR's Henry Kravis:

Meeting two weeks ago with Representative Sander M. Levin, a senior Democrat who is proposing to more than double the amount of tax that Mr. Kravis now pays, the buyout titan mustered his best arguments. He said that firms like Kohlberg Kravis Roberts play a central role in the economy, participants recalled, citing the example of how his firm had produced many jobs in Mr. Levin's home state when it turned around a troubled electricity company in Michigan. He asserted that the lower tax rate benefited all Americans. And he said that an increase in tax rates would harm American competitiveness abroad.

Mr. Levin and his staff were unswayed. One aide asked Mr. Kravis to explain whether the measure would hurt workers and middle-income families by lowering the returns for pension funds that invest in Kohlberg Kravis funds, two aides at the meeting recalled. They said Mr. Kravis agreed with an answer by a partner that the proposal would not hurt returns, and the meeting ended soon afterward.

(An adviser to Kohlberg Kravis on Tuesday described the meeting slightly differently and said that Mr. Kravis said he believed the legislation could have an adverse effect on pension fund returns.)

I'd prefer to believe the first account, since it makes Kravis sound disarmingly honest. Which leaves only the broader argument that private equity and venture capital firms are good for the economy. This argument is not nonsense; private equity and venture capital firms almost certainly are good for the economy. But there's really no evidence that taxing their general partners in the same way that corporate CEOs and Wall Street investment bankers are taxed would suddenly make all that economic good go away. It might, and maybe the few billion dollars a year the tax would bring in isn't worth that risk (I don't think the Joint Committee on Taxation has come up with any firm numbers yet on what the different bills introduced so far would bring in; at least I can't find any in the big report the JCT prepared for today's hearing, which you can download here.) Weigh that against the fact that the current favorable tax treatment of private equity partners' compensation makes no logical or legal or moral sense, and you've got a tough argument for the private equity guys to make. Which appears to be why they've resolved to make largely specious ones instead.

By the way, CNBC is billing all its coverage of this private equity stuff as "War on Wealth." What? Is Roger Ailes back? Well, I guess they know their audience.

Short-seller extraordinaire Jim Chanos was just on, mainly to talk about hedge fund regulation, and he sounded perfectly sensible when they asked him about the taxation of investment partnerships. Perhaps that's because, as he pointed out, hedge fund managers who do any sort of active trading don't get the tax break that their private equity peers do. His main point was that, if the private equity guys' compensation were taxed as income instead of capital gains, the outside investors in private equity firms should get a corresponding tax deduction for the compensation expense. I'm pretty sure that would be the natural result of the tax changes being discussed in Congress, but it's an interesting point. Pension funds and college endowments are tax-exempt anyway, but some other private equity investors aren't.

Update: I've got yet another post on the subject here.

Update 2: Run, don't walk, to The Epicurean Dealmaker for his trenchant take on all this. TED himself links to the post in the comments below, but I want to add my endorsement. Really, it's brilliant.

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  • 1

    In all honesty the only true argument that any PE, or Venture Cap group can make is that this legislation would set a precedent allowing for a push to tax all investment income under the standard tax code. Basically, by passing this legislation that would really put a dent into their personal income, our government would be opening the door to increasing taxes on all investment returns. Their pension argument is a feeble attempt to justify their huge paychecks, however they have found many ways to manipulate their income so it does not fall under the standard tax code. Who is to say that they won't find alternative methods to continue this trend and limit their tax liabilities even if legislation is passed to dissolve their current strategy.

  • 2

    This article is crap

  • 3

    That comment, on the other hand, is brrrrilliant.

  • 4

    You know Justin, I read the NY Times piece, and I just love the quote by Wayne L. Berman, managing director at Ogilvy Government Relations and a major Republican fund-raiser: "...It will be about rewarding risk and recognizing that when you reward risk you create economic growth.”

    I believe even you've posted - or maybe not - describing how the way many recent PEs have changed the nature of risk they take on but not directly investing a good deal of their own capital, but rather leverage some significant debt in order to cover their deals.

    I mean really how much risk have they been taking on????
    Ok that's my rant for the day.

  • 5

    Dear Editor-

    Were such a restructuring of the Capital Gains Tax Code to occur, such as to magnify the rate at which Private Equity Partners are taxed, the truly worrying possibilities occur within two categories of outcome. The first is the domestic evolution of Private Equity participation arrangement, while the second is the long-term result of the international restructuring of Private Equity Partnerships, of partners limited and otherwise, in jurisdictions of questionable or unsubstantial tax-regulatory practices.

    From the perspective of domestic evolution it is important to note that pension funds such as CalPERS, as tax-exempt institutions, pay no taxes on the dividends or equity proceeds of investment; thusly, the impact upon their returns, all else constant, would be minimal. However, far more probable is that significant end-investor losses would result either from other economically significant factors. Two such key influences are 1) decreased performance incentive to Private Equity Partnerships, and 2) increases to management fees and 'carry' charged by Private Equity funds to offset the equivalent, negative financial impact to Partners of increased tax rates. The first impact is more academically theoretical, but emprically demonstrable to be of moderate size in contract and labor theory. It is the second that is most crucial and predicatble in terms of a (negative) impact of very significant magnitude upon the total returns, net of fees, to be distributed to shareholders. It is effectively a cost pass-through to the investor and there is no way, tax-status included, for pension funds [and indeed other investors] to recover this very large penalty to them. This policy of passing costs through is empirically strong and consistent amongst all private competitive sectors as one of the key bases for the pricing and re-pricing of goods, financial assets, and financial services.

    From the international perspective, and as was noted by Mr. Brian Mowry previous to this response, Private Equity Firms are incredibly talented in the arena of circumventing regulation and, to the extent that it is possible, using cross-border regulation differentials to in fact create value at the expense of other [domestic] taxpayers. Were Private Equity, as an industry, to restructure in certain jurisdictions, it could design both basic and derivative contracts which take advantage of a new and existing tax treaties relevant to Federal and National withholding tax rates.

    The financial structuring behind the efficient, but technically legal, abuse of inter-national tax and accounting codes quickly becomes commplicated but serves the foundation for some of the largest trades in today's financial markets unknown to the average market observer. By designing appropriately intermediated and sub-divided contracts, Investors/Funds/Firms with significant liquidity and tax capacity (accrued taxes payable on the year's operations) to reduce within a tax jurisdiction can not only avoid taxes all together from business dealings in one jurisdiction, but also claim additional tax credits from the originally punative jurisdiction such as to actually amplify the net financial position of the fund at the expense of the taxpayers.

    Effectively, the Firm/Fund, along with a business partner, both claim tax credits where only one has been paid. They are not, however, inventing money; the amount of the second and equal tax credit comes from the treasury of the targeted country. These contracts, though complex and innumerable in potential structure and variety, are very possible.

    The main point, through lengthy explanation, is not only that will Private Equity Funds find profitable ways around new tax codes (indeed they already exist), but their subsequent international restructuring as resident in foreign and lenient/ambiguous tax jurisdictions will likely result in the United States losing a massive financial base from which to claim federal taxes. The implied potential losses, in many highly likely scenarios, far outweigh the marginal gains to be had by targeting the incomes of the very few uber-rich.

    Regards,

    Alexander W. Scanlon
    MSc Financial Economics, Oxford University
    MPhil Management, Cambridge University

  • 6

    Dear Mr. Scanlon -- I have been hearing similar arguments throughout time that any attempt at changing the tax code in order to capture un- or under-taxed income will fail because the clever boots under attack will all move offshore. Sometimes--say, in the UK several decades ago when the Beatles and punitive taxation both reigned--the tax burden gets so great that it actually happens.

    In most cases, however, the evidence is against wholesale offshoring of tax revenues, especially when the differential loophole closure is, as in this instance, relatively unpunitary (15% vs 35%; really). The reason is that it is very difficult, costly, and time-consuming to change your tax jurisdiction, and it puts a severe cramp in your social and economic life. Few people with the assets and wherewithal to do so really end up doing it.

    Finally, even if all the PE professionals in North America crowd onto Grand Cayman tomorrow, what would be the loss? Sure, several hundred million (perhaps even billions) of annual tax revenue would disappear. A drop in the bucket, compared to IRS receipts, and no argument against creating a fairer tax code.

    But the PE industry, and asset class, would not move offshore, nor would its economics change materially enough to weaken or destroy it for the investor LPs who pony up the capital PE firms use to conduct their business. Therefore, the tax base itself would not be seriously harmed.

    Rich people and corporations always threaten to take their marbles and go home if government gets too uppity about taxing them. The problem for PE, however, is that the marbles in play are by far and away not theirs to take away.

    http://epicureandealmaker.blogspot.com/2007/07/taxman-cometh.html

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